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Will fifth Druk Gyalpo seize opportunity? (REPRODUCTION)

Published on Jan 02 2007 // Main News

By Parang Kush Subedi 

The recent announcement by foreign minister of Bhutan Lyonpo Khandu Wangchuk that Bhutanese refugees in the UNHRC-administered camps are infiltrated by the terrorist organizations has taken both Nepal and the refugee community by surprise. This could be the reaction to the activities of the Bhutanese refugees as some in the camps had burnt the effigies of both fourth Druk Gyalpo and King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck on December 17, on the occasion of Bhutan's National Day. The refugees, under the banner of Satyagraha Committee, felicitated the new king taking this as an opportunity for reconciliation and repatriation.
The fear of armed rebellion in Bhutan and the threat of destabilizing Northeast India should not be the cause for jeopardizing the prospects of repatriation to Bhutan or the possibility of third country resettlement. This hurts the refugees. There are no visible rebellion groups in the camps; there is high level scrutiny of the UNHCR and the government of Nepal. If at all there is any presence, it is the frustrated voice looking for an opportunity to lead a normal life elsewhere.

For the past sixteen years, the refugees did not talk of raising an armed- struggle to seek justice. They believe in peace and harmony seeking freedom to practice their own culture, tradition and religion. More than 75 percent of the total refugee population comprises school-going children and elderly people, who respect the institution of monarchy, and long for a dignified living. Therefore, branding them as "ready made terrorists" is an unfortunate statement that requires condemnation from all concerned. What the foreign minister wants to achieve from such irresponsible statement is difficult to perceive; at the most it could scare of Nepal unnecessarily propping up the refugee leadership for direct talks with the Bhutanese government. It is to be understood that the royal government intends to marginalize the current leadership in exile and, even if it takes back the people, it wants to make sure that only non-politicized genuine Bhutanese are taken in.

This warrants a need among the refugee leaders to come to a consensus on prioritizing the resolution of the refugee problem first and subordinating the demand for political change later. It was unfortunate that the reactionary regime in Thimphu acted panic to the peaceful demonstrations of the 1990s and created the refugee exodus. There is regret among some of the tough talking people in Thimphu, and perhaps, the abdication of the throne by fourth Druk Gyalpo is to enable the new king to take corrective measures. And it has come at a time when the country is trying to make major political transformation.

The transition from an absolute monarchy to bi-party democratic monarchy should be viewed as an opportunity by all Bhutanese whether they are living in Bhutan or are in exile. One year from now, Bhutan will have an elected, democratic government, and yet there are no registered, functioning political parties in Bhutan. In exile there are half a dozen political parties with diverse ideological leanings. Without their participation, the election in Bhutan will be a hollow exercise.

King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck needs to take bold steps to integrate these splintered forces in exile into the mainstream Bhutanese society in order to avoid a political disaster in the future. The only way out to escape this self-created deathtrap is to permit the refugees to return to Bhutan along with the political parties, human rights organizations and NGOs with a vision to solve the problem lock stock and barrel and guarantee a peaceful and sovereign future Bhutan. The international community has already taken steps to allay Bhutan's fear for demographic balance by agreeing to share the refugee burden for those unwilling to return.

Bhutan's ongoing National Assembly session is being carefully monitored by the refugee community, diplomatic missions, and Bhutan observers. Nobody predicted that fourth King Jigme Singye Wangchuck would step down a year earlier than the scheduled date, and that has not come without a plan. The policymakers in Thimphu are aware of the fact that they cannot wish away the refugee problem. After all they know that overwhelming majority in the camps would pass the 1958 cut-off date which has been validated by the proposed draft constitution. Unquestionably, no one will question the justification of the refugees to wage a struggle in Bhutan and the peaceful wait of the last 16 years has not delivered any tangible results.

Also, Bhutan knows well that tough posturing will not lead anywhere. It has seen the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and how that beautiful country is being entrenched in the bloody struggle for the last 25 years. In the 1970s, Sri Lanka was a darling state for development planners. It could have very well surpassed the growth and development of Singapore had there been no ethnic conflict.

The Buddhist dominated Sinhala government in Colombo had similar mindset of today's Drukpa oligarchy in Thimphu: intolerance towards culture, language, and tradition of other peoples. The overemphasis on "one nation one people" closely resembles the anti Tamil policy of the 1970s in Sri Lanka, and no one could rule out a similar conflict in Bhutan if the refugee issue is not addressed as early as possible. This conflict if it ever crops up in Bhutan, will not be an isolated event; it will drag the Nepali community across the border in India and the Nepali people as well.

The international community has already shown willingness to get involved in the resolution of the Bhutanese refugee problem. Willingness to absorb the refugees unwilling to return to Bhutan is a great help for Bhutan. There is also a need to involve India as the refugees will have to travel through its territory while returning to Bhutan. There is an added advantage for Bhutan to involve India in the resolution of the refugee problem since some of the evicted Bhutanese are living in West Bengal, Sikkim and Assam states, and it must ensure that the issue of these people also gets settled once and for all. This makes the Bhutanese refugee issue a quadrilateral negotiation with stakeholders as Bhutan, Nepal, India and the international community.

The future generation will curse the fifth Druk Gyalpo if he fails to seize this opportunity to resolve the refugee problem and if Nepal shows unwillingness to cooperate with Bhutan in the spirit of ancient good neighbors, members of the same Himalayan community, and small, landlocked countries sandwiched between two emerging Asian powers. Both Nepal and Bhutan have no territorial ambitions; they should focus on the overall welfare of their peoples and stop squabbling on minor issues. One really does not see reasons why such statements are coming from Thimphu, and there is no need for Nepal to react unnecessarily. Bhutan News Service

Source: The Kathmandu Post, January 2, 2007 

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